The 2017 Assembly Election and the reawakening of nationalism

This article attempts to explain the outcome of the 2017 NI Assembly election. 


Background

The 2nd March 2017 NI Assembly election was called after James Brokenshire, the NI Secretary of State, dissolved the Assembly on 26 January. The dissolution of the Assembly was precipitated by the late former deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness resigning his position on 10 January and Sinn Féin refusing to nominate a replacement six days later. In his resignation letter Mr McGuinness stated that his reasons were that the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) never fully embraced 'equality, mutual respect and all-Ireland approaches enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement'; 'shameful disrespect'; 'crude and crass bigotry'; the 'DUP's handling' of the Renewable Heat Incentive (RHI) scandal and the First Minister and DUP Leader Arlene Foster's refusal to 'stand aside, without prejudice, pending a preliminary report from an investigation.'  

The election campaign clicked into gear in February and two leaders debates were held on UTV and BBC in the fortnight before election day. Polling occurred between 7am and 10pm on 2nd March and turnout was 64.8%, the highest since 1998 and up 10% on the May 2016 election. 

Results

After the election, the DUP remained the largest party in the Assembly with 28 seats but lost 10 in comparison to 2016. SF experienced a large rise in support (+3.9% in vote share on 2016) and lost only one seat (Oliver McMullan's in East Antrim). The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) had another disastrous performance and return with 10 seats, down six from 2016. They lost several big-name candidates including Danny Kennedy, Sandra Overend and Jo-Anne Dobson. Party leader Mike Nesbitt also announced his intention to resign. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) finished behind their nationalist rivals, SF, but held 12 seats and virtually retained the same vote share (-0.1%). The Alliance Party also had a good election as they held their 8 seats and experienced a 2.1% increase from 2016. The Green Party retained their 2 seats in North Down and South Belfast, People Before Profit lost Eamonn McCann in Foyle but held Gerry Carroll's seat in West Belfast while independent unionist Claire Sugden and the Traditional Unionist Voice's Jim Allister were returned in East Derry and North Antrim, respectively. Full results can be accessed here.    


Analysis

The 2017 election has arguably been the most historic since 1998 given that unionist parties have lost their previously-held overall majority in the Assembly. For example, in terms of designations there are now 40 Unionists, 39 Nationalists and 11 Others. SF now only have 1 seat less than the DUP and, to further rub salt into the wounds of unionism, the SDLP has emerged as the largest opposition party. Also, no one party can now singly wield the Petition of Concern (POC) on issues like marriage equality.     

For me, writing in the immediate aftermath of this election, this tremendous result for SF and diabolical outcome for all unionist parties, especially the UUP, can be explained by a number of reasons.    


First, SF got their vote out

SF's party machine was really effective in getting the party's message of 'equality, respect and integrity' out on the doorsteps especially in the traditional stronghold of West Belfast as well as recent strongholds of Mid-Ulster, West Tyrone and Newry and Armagh. SF also, convincingly and surprisingly, outpolled the SDLP in their major bases of Foyle and South Down and delivered an impressive result in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, knocking out the DUP's chairman, Lord Maurice Morrow, in the process. Despite speculation that SF would lose a representative in North Belfast, both Gerry Kelly and Carál Ní Chuilín retained their seats.    

Second, nationalism in general awoke from its slumber

Nationalist parties both performed badly in 2016 which commentators reckoned was due to nationalist voters being disaffected and not turning out in significant numbers. However, this was emphatically reversed as SF increased their share overall by almost 4% while the SDLP held steady. Combined SF/SDLP took 39.8% of first preference votes while DUP/UUP took 41%. In 2016 it was SF/SDLP 36% and DUP/UUP 41.8%. In the 2017 election, as Chris Donnelly put it, nationalism bit back.   

Third, DUP actions in government, RHI scandal and the Foster factor

To a certain extent, several factors relating to the DUP - actions in government, the RHI scandal and the (lack of) leadership from Arlene Foster - influenced the outcome of March's election. 

Actions in government included the removal of funding for Gaeltacht bursaries by Communities Minister Paul Givan in the run-up to Christmas while reinstating funding for Orange Order band instruments and the refusal to support marriage equality as well as implement Irish language Act nearly a decade after the St Andrews Agreement.

The DUP's mishandling of the RHI scandal was another important factor which partly produced the Assembly result. This featured whistle-blower allegations, the Jonathan Bell interview with the BBC's Steven Nolan, the alleged influencing of ministerial decisions by DUP special advisers, the alleged misuse of boilers for personal financial gain and the ownership of boilers by DUP members' relatives.        

Arlene Foster's role in relation to the RHI crisis and tenure as First Minister has been seen as galvanising electoral support for "nationalists" and "others" and partly causing the rise in vote share for SF and the Alliance Party. Foster, prior to the collapse of the Assembly, refused to stand aside temporarily, 'without prejudice, pending a preliminary report from an investigation' and now continues this stance. In addition to this refusal, Foster cast Louth TD and SF President Gerry Adams as the unionist bogeyman and continuously labelled SF's election platform, comprising equality, respect and integrity, 'a radical republican agenda.' Further, the DUP leader characterised SF as a crocodile, stating at an event in early February: "If you feed a crocodile it will keep coming back for more.” This crocodile remark arguably snapped back at the DUP as people dressed up as crocodiles at Conradh na Gaeilge demonstrations  and on their way to polling stations on election day. At the time of writing, Foster's re-nomination as First Minister hangs in the balance and it is entirely possible that nationalists might yet have cause to say "see you later alligator."   
  

Fourth, reduction of seats from 108 to 90 makes a difference

This was the first election in the history of the Assembly that 90 members were elected rather than 108. Regarding the 18 seats that were cut, 16 would have been unionist if we had a 108-seater Assembly. Clearly, the reduction impacted on unionism, especially the DUP, but also the UUP, which has been reduced to an all-time low of 10 seats. The success of nationalists and effect of reduction in seats can also be seen if one estimates the likely result in the 2016 election had it been fought with 5-seat constituencies rather than six-seat constituencies and compares that result with this election. This was done by psephologist, Nicolas Whyte last December and a table (figure 1) featuring this estimation is show below. 

Figure 1: 

     Credit: Image under Creative Commons 


Finally, cross-community voting not damaging to unionism

A key tactic from DUP party members including Sammy Wilson and Edwin Poots was to blame Mike Nesbitt and the UUP for encouraging unionists to transfer votes in a cross-community manner with Poots describing the election of SDLP's Pat Catney in Lagan Valley as having done 'great damage to unionism.' In his eagerness to blame Nesbitt, Poots completely ignored the fact that cross-community votes helped the UUP's Rosemary Barton get elected in Fermanagh and South Tyrone while, ironically, Danny Kennedy may have had a stronger chance of ousting SF's Conor Murphy if he had received substantial cross-community transfers from the SDLP in Newry and Armagh.        



(N.B. This article was written one day after the 3rd March 2017 - the date the full result of the 2017 NI Assembly election was made clear.  It was not published until late November because the author was on placement at the Assembly up until September.)  

Brexit: 3 months on ... still no plan

In this post I briefly consider where we are now since the EU Referendum.

Nearly three months have passed since the UK voted overall to exit the European Union and workers and business owners have been left in a state of limbo and uncertainty regarding the future. The public continues to be told by the British government that 'Brexit means Brexit' but we are still no closer to knowing what Brexit will entail.

Of course, the British Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Minister for the new Department of Exiting the EU are full of meaningless rhetoric but devoid of clear-cut substance. Why are they so devoid? Because little planning was done previously by Whitehall to prepare for this scenario. Why was there little planning? Because the previous British government under David Cameron's leadership backed the Remain campaign and did not give much credence to a potential Leave campaign victory.

This lack of substantial contingency planning in the event of a Leave vote has been disastrous as it has created much flux in British politics, precipitated heightened uncertainty for the economic outlook and left civil society including, workers, farmers, business owners and students, agonising over the long-term future.  

In addition to uncertainty engulfing England and Wales, which both voted for Leave, Scotland; Northern (N.) Ireland and Gibraltar, which voted to remain, have arguably been even more afflicted. It is also important to be aware of the current and future effects of the Brexit vote on the Republic of Ireland and the other 26 EU member states.  

Courtesy +James Nelson 

The North, in particular, will possibly feel the worse effects of Brexit given its considerable dependence on EU membership (especially in relation to agriculture, trade and structural funding), its historically weak economic standing in contrast to Great Britain and its unique position of sharing a land border with another EU member state - the Republic of Ireland. Those who voted for Brexit, especially in Great Britain, are mostly indifferent to the unique position of N. Ireland within the UK and would not have accounted for its welfare while casting their vote. Indeed, the EU membership referendum was fought over British (mostly English) interests such as immigration and UK border control rather than the welfare of all constituent areas.

In N. Ireland, organisations, such as the Centre for Democracy and Peace Building, and BBC NI are trying to navigate through the mire by producing publications and TV programmes relating to planning for the future in the aftermath of the Leave vote.

On the Centre for Democracy and Peace Building's behalf, Queen's University Belfast academics, Professor David Phinnemore and Dr Lee McGowan, have produced the report 'After the EU Referendum: Establishing the best outcome for Northern Ireland' which aims to take stock of the situation, make an educated estimation about what will happen in the immediate future and explore the North's potential options.

In addition to discussing the possible ramifications of keeping the status quo and considering existing options for outside the EU, the report also provides two eye-catching options relating to 'a partial Brexit' and a 'bespoke arrangement' for outside the EU. For me, the 'partial Brexit' option, drawing inspiration from the Reverse Greenland option and the Dalriada Document, is particularly intriguing as it suggests how the UK might stay in the EU but 'with those parts of the UK that voted to 'leave' moving outside key areas of EU integration and cooperation.' Disappointingly, the report does not consider the options of a second Scottish independence referendum nor an Irish border poll given the calls that have come from both Scotland and the island of Ireland since the Brexit vote.

Phinnemore and McGowan also note that 'a key challenge for all concerned is to recognize the issues and think creatively about how they might be addressed in the light of the EU referendum outcome.' To this end, the authors scratch the surface of this process by providing 'a range of issues of particular concern' in addition to 'a number of questions about the implications of a UK withdrawal from the EU.' These core issues include agriculture, trade and investment, the border and the free movement of people/goods as well as structural funding and citizens' rights.

Journalist, Jim Fitzpatrick, has also recently reported on the Brexit aftermath locally, exploring how immigration curbs could affect the NI economy. What his documentary shows is that, although there have been no drastic effects on the NI economy in July and August such as an economic contraction, uncertainty, especially over future access to the EU labour market and farm subsidies, is building. Blame for this was pointed in the direction of Leave campaigners, who, in the words of Ulster Farmers Union President, Barclay Bell, 'are people [e.g. David Davis] so keen to leave but haven't got a blueprint there.' Bell said this after informing Fitzpatrick that the Department for Exiting the EU has corresponded with the Ulster Farmers Union to ask what ideas the latter has regarding a replacement for the EU's Common Agricultural Policy!

While some of those who were involved in contributing to this situation of growing anxiety and uncertainty including Mr Cameron and Nigel Farage MEP are departing the political stage, it has been left to those still at Westminster, their counterparts in the devolved administrations and legislatures as well as civil society to pick up the pieces.

My LGBT Journey

In this post I recount my experiences with the LGBT community in recent years and explain how I really have been on a LGBT journey of my own. 



It is now the week after Newry Pride Week and I am filled with admiration and respect for the local Newry Rainbow Community (NRC) and the Pride in Newry organising committee. What a fantastic job they have done over the last decade in representing the Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) voice in the community and organising the vibrant Pride parade, festival and ball. It can be argued that now Newry is the safest and most welcoming it has ever been for the LGBT community. That said, the 2016 events were marred by the despicable attack on five NRC committee members outside Cobbles Bar in the early hours of Sunday morning. This incident is rare but demonstrates that much more work is needed in order to tackle homophobia, transphobia and general prejudice towards the LGBT community in the Newry area.  

For me, Saturday night at the Pride Ball was a significant personal moment. Being there was a major milestone on my own LGBT journey - a journey that has enriched my life so much over these past five years.

I can trace this journey back to at least 2011 when I first started studying History and Politics at Queen's University, Belfast. Back then, I was, what Americans consider to be, a 'frat boy' - a young macho adolescent fuelled with testosterone who was mostly concerned with how many girls he could kiss in one night out. I do not regret being that kind of person at that time but I do regret the homophobic side of me. I felt very uncomfortable around LGBT people and I mistakenly believed that homosexuality was completely unacceptable. The transgender identity was not even on my radar at the time. At parties in first-year undergraduate accommodation some of my friends acted in an overtly camp manner in order to irritate me further.

This continued into the following academic year as well when I was living with Newry friends in Belfast and I became aggressive with LGBT folks who were invited to stay over for nights out. I remember an ex-girlfriend talking to me about this behaviour but I did not listen.

What I recognise as the watershed moment during this journey was being accepted onto the British Council NI's Study USA programme and gaining a place at Warren Wilson College (WWC) to study for a Certificate in American Business Practice.

WWC is a small liberal arts work college in Swannanoa, North Carolina that is focused on the triad - academics, work and service (volunteering in the community). Within a week of arriving on-campus in August 2013 I had been offered a place on the Service Program Office (SPO) crew after emailing the then Director of Student Engagement of my interest and attending a short interview with her. I accepted this offer and took up a position as one of the Food Security (Poverty) Policy Community Liaisons. In this role I provided leadership for the food security issue area as well as organised, promoted and facilitated community engagement activities such as weekly and monthly direct service trips and issue workshops.

During my time as a student and
Food Security Policy Community Liaison @ WWC, May 2014

WWC also has an active LGBT on-campus community comprising students, teachers and other college staff. Indeed, some LGBT folks were on my crew, worked on the SPO staff, mentored me as I made the transition from Belfast to life in rural western North Carolina and became really good colleagues and friends. One of these people was the Director of Student Engagement who had interviewed me a week after arriving. Through these folks I became more aware of the prejudice and discrimination faced by the LGBT community and became genuinely angered that my friends, classmates, teachers and colleagues were at the time constantly being denied the right to marry.

Protesting the so-called 'conscience clause' outside Newry Town Hall, February 2015.

Meeting my now fiancée Ashlyn Neas was also a pivotal moment for me. Ashlyn has been crucial in helping me better understand LGBT issues both during our time together at WWC and the period since. She is genuinely passionate about LGBT issues and will not fail to call me out when I approach something from a narrow-minded viewpoint. Thanks to Ashlyn I have been able to understand transgender identity and the concept of transitioning between genders through our conversations on the topic, her following of Ru Paul's Drag Race and her attending of drag shows in the United States.
Indeed, it was during a Ru Paul's Drag Race-themed birthday party this June I decided to dress up in drag after much contemplation and realising that I was in a safe environment in which to do it. While taking on the persona of 'Nasty Onassis' I realised that the concept of gender was mental and totally fluid. I was also helped in my decision-making by our friend Jake also 'dragging it up.' In my mind this reaffirmed the safety of the environment and made me comfortable knowing that I would be making my drag debut in the company of a straight male friend.

I am convinced that this positive experience at the party, my relationship with Ashlyn, my year at Warren Wilson College and full participation in Saturday's Newry Pride Parade, in addition to attending with my brother and friends, helped me to enjoy every aspect of the Newry Pride Ball on Saturday night and marked out the event as a milestone on my LGBT journey.

No-one can predict the future but I am confident that there are more self-enriching moments to come on my LGBT journey which will lead me to meet more wonderful people and fully understand the concepts of sexuality and gender identity. I look forward to all this and more. <3 <3 <3

My brother Matthew (right) and I at the Newry Pride Ball
on Saturday night past in Bellinis, Newry. 

Bonfire hate crime in North must stop

After seeing the practice of burning nationalist/republican election posters, tricolour flags and Blessed Virgin Mary statues on bonfires continue during this year's Eleventh Night celebrations in Northern Ireland, I explain why this should be clamped down by local politicians and what can be done about it. 

Happily, this year's Eleventh Night and Twelfth July celebrations passed off without serious disturbance. Apart from several houses in the Shankill road area of west Belfast being damaged by a nearby bonfire and a minor stand-off at Ardoyne in the evening between loyalist and republican youths, there was no serious civil disorder as in previous years.

However, an offensive and ugly aspect of the annual Eleventh Night and Twelfth July celebrations persisted this year as election posters of nationalist/republican politicians, tricolour flags, images of the 1981 hunger strikers and Blessed Virgin Mary statues were burned on bonfires throughout Northern Ireland. It is worth noting that it was not just SDLP and Sinn Féin politicians who had their posters incinerated, but also Cannabis Is Safer Than Alcohol (CISTA) political representatives. These latter people suffered this fate exclusively because of their Catholic-sounding surnames.   

An image posted by Junior Minister, Megan Fearon MLA, showing her election poster and others belonging to SDLP politicians (Dolores Kelly, Karen McKevitt and Justin McNulty MLA) and to CISTA candidates (Emmet Crossan and Martin Kelly) displayed on a bonfire prior to being lit.

Danny Kinahan, south Antrim's Ulster Unionist MP, was pictured helping to present a cheque to a charity in front of an unlit bonfire topped with the tricolour flag and, in response to the outcry that followed, labelled the practice as a part of 'Protestant culture.' Kinahan's defence of this practice is unsettling because it conceals sectarianism and hate under the labels of 'culture' and 'tradition' and worrying because it shows that it is accepted by an individual who is widely considered to personify moderate unionism in Northern Ireland. 

Let us be honest about what this activity is. It is NOT culture. It is wanton sectarianism and a form of hate crime. Pure and simple. The same principle applies to the burning of unionist/loyalist flags on bonfires lit by republican communities to commemorate internment every August. It is indefensible and must be stopped. 

I have no problem with bonfires as a form of commemoration. They are an example of tradition. For example, the English and French use them to celebrate Guy Fawkes Night and Bastille Day, respectively. However, the practice of the unionist/loyalist community burning symbols cherished by the nationalist/republican community in Northern Ireland and vice versa is not tradition. It is sectarian, offensive and constitutes hate crime.   

I know that me publishing a blog post on this will not stop unionists/loyalists or nationalists/republicans committing this act in July 2017 and August 2016, respectively. However, it demonstrates that young Irish people are prepared to speak out about this practice and to contribute to the wider debate. 

For me, our political representatives together - local councillors, MLAs, MPs and MEPs - in both the unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican communities must take a united stand, send out messages calling for this practice to immediately cease and state that a zero tolerance stance will be adopted by all political parties. Further, our MLAs should formulate legislation immediately in order to make this act illegal and make the PSNI able to enforce the legislation effectively and efficiently. This issue should also be a priority of the new NI Secretary of State, James Brokenshire, MP. 

Finally, I am convinced that if steps like these are undertaken then this activity will eventually be eliminated although it will require the leadership and support of local politicians, community leaders and organisations like the Orange Order. I am not naive. I know how difficult this will be to achieve but those with the popular support of both communities must continue to work together in order to negate the elements in our society that seek to provoke sectarian conflict and cause disharmony. 

Why I support the 'boys in green' and not the 'green and white army'

At this time of the 2016 European football championships in France, I explain why I support the Ireland soccer team and not the Northern Ireland equivalent.  

At first glance, it might seem strange why I, as a Northern Ireland resident, support the Republic of Ireland soccer team over the Northern Ireland side. Surely, I should follow the national team of where I originate from. However, if you know the history of Ireland well enough, you will realise that things are not quite that simple.

Supporting the Irish national team at the Aviva Stadium, Dublin in September 2014

From a home video, I know that I have cheered on the Irish soccer team at least since the 1994 World Cup when I was two years old. In the video my brother, Matthew, and I are running around the back garden playing soccer with dad and mum. We're all shouting 'Olé Olé Olé' - a familiar Irish soccer team chant which was especially popular during the 1990 and 1994 World Cup tournaments. Ever since then I have been mad about the 'boys in green.' I remember jumping like mad when Robbie Keane fired in the equalisers against both Germany and Spain during the 2002 World Cup and my excitement at getting my first replica jersey in 2004. I recall the decade-long tournament drought between 2002 and 2012 and the longing for Ireland to gain qualification again for a major competition. I remember that desire being satisfied fleetingly by Seán St. Ledger's header against Croatia at Euro 2012 and the joy at reaching the last 16 stage of this summer's finals in France.  

It makes sense for me to support the Ireland team. Being an Irish soccer fan compares favourably with my Irish national identity. For example, it represents the whole Irish nation as does its associated flag (the Irish tricolour) and national anthem (Amhrán na bhFiann). 

In contrast, the Northern Ireland team is linked to symbols which are at odds with my national identity. For example, it solely represents the six counties of the Northern Ireland state, its anthem is 'God Save the Queen', its flag is the so-called 'Ulster Banner' (the flag of the former unionist Northern Ireland Government) and the team plays its home games at Windsor Park - named for the electoral district in south Belfast that derives its name from the British Royal Family. Further, the Union flag -another flag that rankles with my Irish national identity - is also flown at Northern Ireland's home and away matches.  

Nevertheless, despite these realities I like to see all Irish sports teams that wear green succeed, whether it be the Ireland international rules football team or the Northern Ireland soccer team. Unfortunately, I am not ready to openly support the 'green and white army' whether at home in Newry or at Windsor Park. 

For me, the governing body of the Northern Ireland team, the Irish Football Association (IFA), faces a challenge in encouraging more Northern Ireland residents with an Irish national identity to support the soccer team. I am convinced that the IFA can undertake this by agreeing on a more cross-community friendly flag and anthem and, perhaps, altering the name of Windsor Park. Personally, I prefer the stadium, like the Belfast City airport, being renamed for George Best - the former Manchester United and Northern Ireland footballer who regularly united the two communities due to his brilliance and skill. .                     

Lastly, I am convinced that the lasting solution will be for the island of Ireland to be represented by a single governing body and soccer team similar to cricket, field hockey and, especially, rugby union. I hope to see this outcome reached in my lifetime.
  

The original pre-partition IFA logo

A PUBLIC LETTER FROM QUB HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY STAFF - regarding the recent controversy over the social value of History / Humanities degrees

In this post I include A PUBLIC LETTER FROM QUB HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY STAFF - regarding the recent controversy over the social value of History / Humanities degrees caused by the comments of the QUB vice chancellor, Professor Patrick Johnston. 

This letter has been sent to the Belfast Telegraph. An article containing extracts can be found here: http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/…/queens-staff-criticise-…

But we feel it important to publish the letter in its entirety.

7 June 2016

Dear editor

As staff members of the School of History and Anthropology at Queen’s University Belfast, we are writing in response to recent public controversy over the value of our disciplines to society in Northern Ireland, and indeed more broadly. We were disappointed to read in the interview published on 30th May with our vice-chancellor, Professor Patrick Johnston, comments which appeared to question the value of the study of History, and of the humanities subjects more generally. We welcome the subsequent apology made for these remarks, and the vice chancellor’s statement that he has the highest regard for students, colleagues and alumni from History.

At the same time we welcome the opportunity thus raised to discuss the social value of humanities subjects we teach and research. The disciplines of History and Anthropology foster core skills in research, analysis, cultural literacy, critical thinking, communication and persuasion that are valued by a wide range of employers. Our graduates often go on to productive careers in media, heritage, teaching, the civil service, development work and non-governmental organisations, while others find that the skills gained in undergraduate study easily transfer into fields as diverse as software engineering, business management and law. In an uncertain and rapidly changing employment market, we believe the adaptability of our graduates prepares them well for the future.

The School has a long tradition of producing outstanding leaders – including three of the eight departmental ministers in the recently appointed Northern Ireland Executive, and senior figures in organisations such as PricewaterhouseCoopers, ITN and the BBC.

University education is not just about employment skills however. Through our disciplines students gain a critical and sophisticated comprehension of how human societies and cultures work, and how they have changed and how that change has been remembered over time (from the ancient and medieval world to our own period). Through this they acquire understanding of social, political and cultural problems not only within our own society, but internationally. We aim to produce informed and critical global citizens.

The great strength of university education for students lies in learning within an intensive research environment. The School of History and Anthropology is well-known globally for the outstanding quality of its research, covering subjects as diverse as Christianity in the Roman Empire, mathematical thought in 6th-century Ireland, popular song in Stuart England, slave emancipation and black culture in the American South, revolution in modern China, gender relations and religious belief systems and practices from New Guinea to the Scottish Highlands, and the emotional power of flags and emblems in Northern Ireland.

We bring this knowledge into dialogue with society not just through teaching but via collaborations with a large number of bodies, including museums, theatres and galleries, schools and colleges, national and regional government departments and councils, NGOs such as ‘Healing through Remembering’, as well as via the print and broadcast media.

To take this agenda forward and stimulate further discussion, we will be organising, with our colleagues in other disciplines at Queen’s, a public event in the autumn on the social value of the humanities. We deeply appreciate the widespread support voiced by students, alumni and colleagues at home and abroad over the past week, and see this as testament to a shared belief in the value of historical and anthropological enquiry for understanding our past and present.

We look forward to congratulating our graduating students in July and welcoming our new student intake in History and Anthropology in September and seeing them develop as critical thinkers, active citizens and future leaders.

Yours sincerely

Dr Dominic Bryan, Prof. Brian Campbell, Dr Ian Campbell, Dr Evi Chatzipanagiotidou, Dr Marie Coleman, Dr Kieran Connell, Prof. Sean Connolly, Dr John Curran, Dr James Davis, Dr Aglaia De Angeli, Dr Scott Dixon, Dr Elaine Farrell, Prof. Peter Gray, Dr Leonie Hannan, Prof. David Hayton, Dr Andrew Holmes, Dr Zoe Hyman, Dr Martijn Icks, Prof. Lisette Josephides, Dr Brian Kelly, Prof. Liam Kennedy, Dr John Knight, Dr Jon Lanman, Prof. Fiona Magowan, Dr Ashok Malhotra, Prof. Christopher Marsh, Prof. Fearghal McGarry, Dr Ida Milne, Dr Eric Morier-Genoud, Prof. Sean O’Connell, Prof. Mary O’Dowd, Dr Sinead O'Sullivan, Dr Olwen Purdue, Dr Emma Reisz, Dr Paulo Sousa, Dr Antony Stanonis, Dr Alexander Titov, Dr Ioannis Tsioulakis, Dr Katy Turton, Dr Immo Warntjes, Dr Joe Webster, Dr Todd Weir, Prof. David Whitehead.

QUB vice chancellor's comments represent a glimpse of how he regards all Arts and Humanities subjects

Queen's University Belfast vice-chancellor, Professor Patrick Johnston, put his foot in his mouth last Monday (30th May) when he said that 'society doesn't need a 21-year-old who is a sixth century historian' during an interview with the Belfast Telegraph's Rebecca Black. A week after these remarks were recorded, John McCaul Jnr, a 2015 QUB modern history and politics graduate, explains why Professor Johnston's comments represent a glimpse of how he regards all QUB Arts and Humanities subjects.  

QUB vice chancellor since March 2014, Professor Patrick Johnston.

Last Monday, the Belfast Telegraph published the transcript of its interview with QUB vice-chancellor, Professor Patrick Johnston. It is available here. The interviewer, Rebecca Black, begins the conversation by questioning Professor Johnston about his own background in education prior to discussing university funding cuts, corporation tax and the vice-chancellor's salary (£250,000 per annum). 

Given previous cuts to the Department for Employment and Learning budget during the last Assembly mandate, as well as QUB's voluntary redundancy scheme and ongoing Institutional Size and Shape Review 2016, it is unsurprising that the most substantial part of the interview relates to recent past and future cuts to QUB's budget.   

Indeed, it is in response to a question about future cuts that Professor Johnston comments:

"There aren't any more cuts this year. What we have done now through the resizing and reshaping of the university is we looked at every subject area, and the good news is we are not stopping any subjects nor closing any schools. We are amalgamating several schools, because some of them are not large enough in terms of scale."

"We are also stopping single honours sociology and anthropology, but intend to strengthen those subjects by allowing them to partner with other subject areas which actually make their relevance more connected. Society doesn't need a 21-year-old who is a sixth century historian."

"It needs a 21-year-old who really understands how to analyse things, understands the tenets of leadership and contributing to society, who is a thinker and someone who has the potential to help society drive forward. I don't talk about producing graduates, I talk about producing citizens that have the potential for leadership in society." 

The audio clip concerning the above response is accessible here and QUB's clarifying tweet regarding Professor Johnston's remarks is here. 

It is worth noting that, in addition to declaring the uselessness of a 21-year-old sixth century historian to society, Professor Johnston also contradicts himself. The vice chancellor states that 'we [the University Executive Board] are not stopping any subjects...' but still informs the interviewer that 'we are also stopping single honours sociology and anthropology.' Although Professor Johnston notes that 'we intend to strengthen those subjects by allowing them to partner with other subject areas...', the vice-chancellor fails to outline how this will happen and if it will even definitely occur. Moreover, Professor Johnston fails to acknowledge that this plan involves single honours sociology and anthropology being swallowed up by other subject areas and being deprived of their own individual identity. 

In addition to seemingly speaking on behalf of N. Ireland society, Professor Johnston implies that a 21-year-old sixth century historian does NOT know how 'to analyse things', does NOT 'understand the tenets of leadership and contributing to society', who is NOT 'a thinker' and someone who does NOT have 'the potential to help society drive forward.' In other words, for Professor Johnston, 21-year-old sixth century historians are NOT citizens who 'have the potential for leadership in society.'

For me, QUB Students' Union vice-president community, Paul Loughran, is correct in his assertion that Professor Johnston's views represent a slipping of his mask before the general public. Having read previous Professor Johnston interviews with the Belfast Telegraph as well as other newspapers and QUB press releases, it is clear that Professor Johnston prioritises subject areas like medicine (Professor Johnston was Dean of QUB's School of Medicine, Dentistry and Biomedical Sciences before becoming vice chancellor), dentistry, engineering and cyber security whilst stigmatising the Arts and Humanities subjects because, as the Save Our Schools- Queen's University Belfast campaign accurately acknowledge, the former subjects have 'a high monetary value.' 


Professor Patrick Johnston's comments represent a glimpse of how he regards all Arts and Humanities subjects, not just history, anthropology and sociology. They demonstrate the utter contempt in which he holds them privately.